HIGH COURT
UNDER THE MICROSCOPE
Donald Trump v
International Refugee Assistance Project
These cases are
about an executive order made by the United States to alter how foreign
nationals enter the country. The key elements of this were to suspend entry
from six designated countries for 90 days. This was challenged on two grounds,
certiorari – which is ‘a writ or order by which a high court reviews a case
tried in a lower court’ – and applications to stay the preliminary injunctions.
These were granted.
The executive order
presented a policy against countries representing a heightened terrorist risk;
·
Iran
·
Iraq
·
Libya
·
Somalia
·
Sudan
·
Syria
·
Yemen
The officials
were told that they must review how adequate it would be to restrict visas from
these areas for ninety days. The court was also alerted to an alteration to the
United States Refugee Admissions Program which reduced the number of refugees
able to enter the country for 120 days.
A second
executive order addressed early concerns made by the Assistance project and
requires that the secretary of homeland security conducts a global review to determine
which foreign governments provide adequate information about nationals applying
for a USA visa. Any countries found to be deficient would be given 50 days to
alter their practices. These counties would be required to impose additional
procedures as necessary to ensure that individuals seeking admission as refugees
do not pose a threat to national security.
Finally – and perhaps
most controversially- the order determined that the entry of more than 50,000
refugees in the fiscal year of 2017 would be detrimental to the interest of the
USA.
There were
several responses to this order but the establishment clause of the first
amendment was the most successful. It claimed that this act was not motivated
by concerns of national security but islamophobia. In the first instance, most
of the court ruled that the primary purpose of clause 2(c) – preventing entry
of certain migrants was based on religious fears. This violates the first
amendment.
This was
further supported by the test that a reasonable person knowing all the claims
made against the migration of Muslims into America by Donald trump would
conclude that this policy was religiously motivated. Therefore, the court
upheld the injunction which prevented the enforcement of s2(c) against foreign
nationals seeking to enter the country.
On June 12, a
request for a certiorari was entered. In doing so a new issue was added to the
cases which is that the courts had not altered the date at which the effect of
the act would be moot because 90 days would be over. In response to that issue Donald
Trump issued a memorandum determining that ‘the date on which the injunctions
in these cases are lifted or stayed with respect to that provision’ – meaning that
the provision would continue until otherwise extinguished [Direction of
National Intelligence (June 14, 2017).
The injunctions
were barred against 2(c) for any person who had no connection with the United
States through a relationship or other entity. This means that any married
person, child or person connected to other legal entity can still enter the
country. However, this is not intended to exclusively determine the rights of
the parties but merely to provide temporary equitable relief to both parties.
It was done in the overall public interest [University of Tex. V Camenisch 451
U.S. 390, 395 (1981)]. This decision was based on the reason that ‘an
unadmitted and nonresident alien…has no constitutional right of entry to this
country’. Given that ‘the interest in preserving national security is an urgent
objective of the highest order’ it would be inappropriate to prevent the
government from pursuing that objective [Holdver v Humanitarian Law Project,
561 U.S. 1, 28 (2010)].
Effectively
this ruling acknowledges the delicate balance that the government must walk
between pleasing the morals of the public and acknowledging the dangers of the
modern world. Whether the order is truly religiously motivated is difficult to
infer given the context of global terrorism – and despite the claims of Donald
trump against Islam it is difficult to truly draw issue given the lack of
explicit mention of Islam. It does beg the question if this order is purely
religiously motivated, combined with the brash nature of the current president –
why not just prevent the entry of all Muslims if that was the true intention of
the order?
Some claim that
Trump is merely following the prior policy of President Obama who first
identified the countries on the list. It is true that his predecessor did initiate
the list and Obama emphasized that it was a part of a continued focus on the
threat of foreign fighters. It should also be noted that the act targets countries
that have been reviewed and identified as ‘troublesome travel areas’ which
means that they are unsafe for American citizens to travel to. While there is
some opposition to this counter argument claiming that it was merely the travel
to these areas by US citizens that was worried about not the influx of migrants
– if US citizens can’t travel to a dangerous country – there must be a concern
about the opposite.
The issue is
far more complex than some policy makers realize, growing concerns about citizen
welfare and greater fear growing in European countries, it’s natural for any
leader to want to recognize these concerns.
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